debate is brewing about the economic insecurity faced by American workers in
today’s global economy, a discussion that so far includes economists, activists
and some politicians. But one group with a big stake in the matter has been largely
silent: business leaders. During the past few years, corporations have remained
relatively quiet as others have begun to discuss the erosion of the traditional
compact between workers and employers and grapple with ideas about how to repair
or replace it.
Few if any observers call for a return to the days when workers gave loyal service
to firms in exchange for a promise of lifetime employment and comprehensive health
and retirement benefits. That era may be over, but employers risk a great deal if
they fail to engage in the public conversation of what should replace that earlier
promise or at least address financial anxiety among their own workers, analysts
say.
On the one hand, companies’ reputations could take a hit just as the labor market
threatens to tighten and places a premium on attracting talent. More broadly, anger
about economic inequality may trigger new regulations on firms. And fears of offshoring
could translate into protectionist laws that hurt the economy overall and sharply
limit companies’ growth, says Brad Jensen, an economist with the Institute for International
Economics.
Jensen, one of a number of economists calling for a stronger safety net for people
displaced from their jobs, suggests business leaders have "fallen down a little"
when it comes to figuring out what to do about those who lose big in the global
economy.
"There’s a lot of good from having an open trade system, but people are anxious
and scared," he says. "The protectionist sentiment is palpable here in Washington.
Businesses should be concerned by that."
John Castellani, president of the industry group the Business Roundtable, rejects
the idea that U.S. companies have remained aloof regarding Americans’ economic fears.
He says corporate leaders haven’t spoken out about "economic insecurity" per se,
instead focusing on the need for American workers to become lifelong learners and
for the country as a whole to remain competitive. Those steps will be critical for
Americans to enjoy any sort of financial security in a fast-paced global economy,
he says.
"You can wish to slow it down all you want," says Castellani, whose association
is made up of executives at major U.S. companies. "But the rest of the world isn’t
slowing down."
Perhaps not, but the global economy is exposing large numbers of Americans to
painful economic dislocations. In a study published by the Institute for International
Economics last fall, Jensen and co-author Lori Kletzer found that many U.S. workers
are in services industries that can be traded internationally, such as data processing
and insurance. They also discovered that these workers lose their jobs at a higher
rate than workers overall do, and that job loss for them is costly.
On average, the authors report, full-time workers in tradable services fields
who are displaced and then return to full-time work suffer a 21 percent drop in
earnings.
That finding comes amid other data suggesting those at the top of the corporate
heap are winning big while most employees tread water. Meanwhile, workers face the
decline of employee-sponsored health and retirement benefits. Even outplacement
services, which emerged in the 1980s to help cushion corporate layoffs, have shrunk.
Ten years ago, companies often hired outplacement firms for as long as it took for
every laid-off worker to find a new position, says John Challenger, CEO of outplacement
provider Challenger, Gray & Christmas. Today, firms typically cut off outplacement
services after three months.
Most workers can find new jobs within that window, Challenger says. "But it means
the people who have the most difficult time—the bottom 20 percent—are abandoned,"
he says.
Concern widespread
Amid a growing economy, layoff fears seem to have eased in recent months. Still,
the overall trends have left Americans anxious and unhappy with businesses. According
to a March report by retirement services firm the Principal Financial Group, 73
percent of Americans surveyed agreed completely or somewhat with the statement "I
am very concerned about my long-term financial future." And in a study published
last fall by the AFL-CIO, 64 percent of adults surveyed said companies fall very
short or somewhat short on being loyal to long-term employees, up from 57 percent
in 2002.
There’s strong interest in laws to bolster economic security, according to the
AFL-CIO study. Eighty-five percent of those surveyed rated providing incentives
for companies to keep jobs in America as a priority, and 73 percent said establishing
a national health care system should be the top or a high priority.
Politicians have begun debating these issues in the past few years. In recent
months, economists from different parts of the political spectrum have highlighted
one possible reform: a stronger social safety net.
Princeton University’s Alan Blinder, who served on President Clinton’s Council
of Economic Advisers, argued in the March-April edition of Foreign Affairs magazine
that the United States "may have to repair and thicken the tattered safety net that
supports workers who fall off the labor-market trapeze—improving programs ranging
from unemployment insurance to job retraining, health insurance, pensions, and
right down to public assistance."
Jensen, whose institute is known for its staunch defense of free trade, also
argues for a "less-porous" safety net, which could mean extending existing Trade
Adjustment Assistance programs to more workers.
Louis Uchitelle, author of a new book, The Disposable American: Layoffs and Their
Consequences, argues the true number of American full-time workers forced out of
their jobs each year is about 7 percent, rather than the official annual layoff
statistic of about 4 percent.
Despite the scale of layoffs and a lack of quality jobs for people to move into,
Americans largely blame themselves when they get pink slips, Uchitelle says. He’s
not surprised that corporate management has remained quiet in the discussion about
economic security.
"Until we start talking about this as a social issue, companies don’t have to
enter the debate," Uchitelle says.
Sanford Jacoby, a professor at UCLA’s Anderson School of Management, sees other
factors behind the business community’s relative silence. Compared with the past,
that community is more fractured along fault lines such as an international vs.
domestic focus, Jacoby says. What’s more, he says, today’s crop of business leaders
is missing the sort of public spokesman on social issues embodied by Marion Folsom,
the Eastman Kodak treasurer who helped draft the Social Security Act during the
Great Depression.
Too much investor focus?
Jacoby traces much of the current climate back to a corporate focus on pleasing
shareholders rather than other stakeholders, such as customers and employees.
"It’s not only shifted to shareholders," he says, "everyone else has fallen off
the map."
Not all companies are taking a shareholder-only route. Oil refiner Valero Energy,
for instance, says it has never had a layoff despite a downturn in the refining
business in the late 1990s and multiple acquisitions. The 22,000-person company
has fired some employees for poor performance. "But at Valero, as long as you do
a good job, you know you will have a job," says company spokeswoman Mary Rose Brown.
Valero offers both a 401(k) and a traditional pension plan. And the company,
which saw net income jump 59 percent in the first quarter of this year to $849 million,
makes stock options available to all exempt employees and bonuses available to all
workers." "If executives get a bonus, everyone gets a bonus," Brown says.
Outrage about huge CEO pay packages is generating shareholder calls for reform,
says Amy Lyman, co-founder of the Great Place to Work Institute, which compiles
the annual list of Fortune’s 100 Best Companies to Work For in America. The concern,
she says, is CEOs are being paid more than they are worth when their contributions
are considered relative to those of everyone else.
"Smart boards are going to see investor anger and start paying attention," she
says.
Among the firms under fire for hefty CEO compensation is retailer Home Depot.
Its chief, Robert Nardelli, took in $37.9 million in compensation in the last fiscal
year, including the value of stock options granted to him. A recent shareholder
proposal calling for an advisory vote by stockholders on the firm’s executive compensation
practices failed to pass, but garnered 40 percent of the votes cast.
As for the broader public debate about Americans’ economic worries, some of the
loudest business voices have decried possible trade barriers. Business leaders such
as Microsoft’s Bill Gates have called for better education and looser immigration
policies to improve America’s ability to compete. In addition, the Business Roundtable’s
Castellani cites executives’ efforts to make the U.S. health care system more efficient
and to provide portable retirement benefits—like 401(k) plans—that reflect a working
world in which people tend to have multiple employers during the course of their
careers.
Business leaders have good reason to address the financial anxiety of average
Americans, argues economist Jared Bernstein, author of the new book All Together
Now: Common Sense for a Fair Economy. Americans would be better, more reliable consumers
if they felt less vulnerable economically, he says. In Bernstein’s view, this could
be done without closing off free trade, but instead by creating policies that pool
risks rather than shift them to individuals.
Today’s businesses could then help their own bottom lines by helping to rewrite,
and not erase, the social contract.
"In other eras, corporate titans recognized that a more equitable distribution
of growth, more opportunity and greater economic stability was very much in their
interest," Bernstein says.
Workforce Management, July 31, 2006, p. 38-39
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